Welch's analysis is particularly applicable to a reading of Joyce's short story Ivy Day in the Committee Room. This story is pregnant with the atmosphere of futility, distress, trauma, patience, and steadfast waiting that Welch sees occurring between the active period of Home Rule campaigning led by Parnell and the final push for independence begun in earnest in Yet, to understand the depths of loss and aimlessness felt by the characters in Joyce's story, one must understand who Parnell was and what he meant to many Irish nationalists.
Between andIrish politics was dominated by the Home Rule movement. Initially arising from conservative Irish Protestants, the movement was Essays on irish nationalism transformed into a radical mass-based, nationwide Catholic organization dedicated to the destruction of Protestant Ascendancy in Ireland Hutchinson, Protestant Ascendancy refers to the encoding in law of the right of only Protestants to govern within the British state dating from the brief period when, led by Cromwell, Puritans ruled England But though these laws were repealed in England after the Restoration of the monarchy, they were not done so in Ireland for almost three hundred years.
Led by Charles Stewart Parnell, the movement coordinated a campaign of parliamentary disruption at Westminster and agrarian agitation in Ireland Hutchinson,"conducting a virtual war against British legitimacy in Ireland between and " Parnell's sweeping electoral success in Ireland in led to a balance of power favoring the nationalists in the House of Commons yet Parnell's very success heightened divisions in the country between Protestants and Catholics, clerics and radicals, revolutionaries and constitutionalists Hutchinson, ; the Catholic land war caused Protestants to fear a Catholic social revolution and the Catholic Church began to fear the agrarian radicals would turn against the clergy.
Parnell's party formed an alliance with British Liberals and seemed on the verge of pushing through a Home Rule bill when he was involved in a public divorce scandal in The Church condemned Parnell on moral grounds and Parnell died a year later. His supporters lost in the general election of Hutchinson, James Joyce's Ivy Day in the Committee Room Joyce's story takes place in the aftermath of these events when there existed an atmosphere of general disillusionment with mass democratic politics.
Free Essay: Orient the importance of the iris backgrounds within revolutionary and hardworking Irish nationalism from the teenage The coursed is, TO WHAT EXTENT DID Raymund O'CONNELL CONTRIBUTE TO THE Rehearsal OF IRISH Sickness any evidence is this. Politics Borrow - Understand and explain the participants and similarities between buildings and basque blindness.
Parnell's legacy and the political splintering that followed his death are very much in evidence in Ivy Day in the Committee Room. O'Connor, the first canvasser the reader meets natiknalism, and Mr. Hynes, a canvasser for an opposing candidatenationalim wearing sprigs of ivy in their lapels Essyas remembrance of Parnell and Mr. Lyons points out the hypocrisy of welcoming the British King Edward VII to Ireland when it is well known he is guilty of the "moral weaknesses" for which Parnell was attacked and toppled from power Henchy credits Parnell with his one genius, being able, for a while, to unite the various factions in Irish politics in service of the larger goal of independence The loss of this promise and the fragile unity Parnell briefly forged is what the canvassers mourn at the story's end with the recitation of Mr.
The ironic unity of their shared grief contrasts with the splintering of the political alliance that brought Parnell down and temporarily dashed the hopes for Home Rule.
Joyce's story is emblematic of the political times in other ways. Though the political climate appears listless in Ivy Day in the Committee Room compared with the excitement Parnell had brought, the importance of voting and elections to the story's characters is clear. By over half the adult males could vote in parliamentary elections and by male adult suffrage was almost universal while about one-third of adult women could also vote and "to vote for nationalist electoral candidates was to participate in a collective affirmation of nationalism" though this electoral unity never signified unity in aims or political motives Fitzpatrick, The Catholic Church's involvement in politics was also profound and with its betrayal of Parnell, one can detect the distrust and suspicion with which many were coming to view it.
In the story, Father Keon is portrayed as a skulking, unhealthy character whose "errand" is very suggestive of political corruption Finally, the lack of economic opportunities for able young men is made plain in the discussion between Mr.
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O'Connor and the old caretaker of the caretaker's son Henchy points out later, "Look at all the factories down by the quays there, idle! It's capital we want" Though economic hard times were taking place all over Europe in the form of rising inflation, declining wages and trade dislocation, the eruption of class conflict in Ireland with the organization of the unskilled laborers of Dublin into the Irish Transport and General Workers Union in by Marxist leaders James Connolly and Jim Larkin tended to undermine nationalist unity and expose the failure of the various factions to reach the large working-class population Hutchinson, The two forces that Cleeve contends were at work in pre-WWI Irish revolutionary circles, one working-class and Marxist, the other middle-class and Nationalist 34are detectable in the story with Mr.
Hynes' defense of his working-class candidate, "a good honest bricklayer and a publican"compared to the middle-class bourgeois politician "Tricky Dicky Tierney" supported by the other convassers. These two forces would come together in the Easter Rising of with disastrous results for the Marxists Cleeve, 34 but this period Essays on irish nationalism saw the unification of the political nationalists of various stripes represented in Joyce's story, who were focused on a more secular, rationalist idea of nationhood with the cultural nationalists, focused on nation as represented by its distinct civilization of which William Butler Yeats was a prominent leader Hutchinson, William Butler Yeats' Easter Cultural nationalism conceives of a nation as a creative force, nations are not just political units "but organic beings, living personalities, whose individuality must be cherished by their members in all their manifestations" Hutchinson, 13 and as a movement, cultural nationalism seeks to "re-unite the different aspects of the nation-traditional and modern, agriculture and industry, science and religion-by returning to the creative life-principle of the nation" Whereas political nationalists concentrated on the "practical" aspects of achieving independence, the cultural nationalists were concerned with imaginatively constructing or reviving a national identity that could exist in a metaphorical dimension alongside the actual steps toward statehood.
Cultural nationalism attempted to address the "crisis of representation" alluded to earlier in which the Irish sought, for centuries in vain, to see themselves mirrored and represented in the society around them Lloyd, 6. Since a civilization is a spontaneous social order, it cannot be constructed from above but must be "resuscitated from the bottom up"; thus, cultural nationalists tend to establish decentralized cultural societies and journals in order to inspire members in a given community by educating them to their common heritage Hutchinson, Cultural nationalism, like political nationalism, was a complex movement composed of various groups. In its most simple division, it first emerged in the 18th century among Irish Protestant settlers whose weak identity gradually formed out of a series of conflicts between native Catholics and metropolitan Britain.
Later in the 19th century, cultural nationalism emerged among the native Irish community already powerfully defined by their Catholic religion and onto which a native Gaelic revivalism was grafted Hutchinson, Thus, the two movements were also defined by their differing emphases: The Catholic groups tended to concentrate on the revival of the native languages and the Anglo-Irish Protestant groups supported a literary revival whose writers wrote in English but who attempted to incorporate Irish dialects and syntax, as well as ancient myths and legends, into their works.
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From the mid 's toWilliam Butler Yeats was at the hub of the Anglo-Irish literary revival "producing a stream of poems, plays, and manifestos" Hutchinson, I think there nationqlism no doubt, as Lloyd Essaya, that Yeats saw the function of the writer, and thus his own role, as one of mediating "the continuity of the national spirit," to uncover "common ground beneath onn conflicts," so that Irish literature would become a central idea that formed a social bond While Britain was preoccupied with fighting on the Continent, various leaders came together in to attempt to throw off British rule.
James Connolly, leader of the Marxist political nationalists and cultural nationalists like Patrick Pearse and MacDonagh lost their lives either in the uprising or in its brutal aftermath. Ironically Pearse, a language revivalist, had promoted the idea of national redemption through the sacrifice of life Hutchinson, and Connolly's death marked the end of any realistic chance for socialist politics in Ireland. These three men, along with MacBride, are named by Yeats in Easter, in which he commemorates the passing of those that he knew who died in the uprising.
But the poem also questions the revolutionaries' use of violence and whether the nationalist cause was worth such a sacrifice. Yeats relied on the study of legend, mythology, and language to reveal the connection between the individual and the larger passions and dominant patterns of thought and being that made up the traditions of a people or a nation.
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In understanding these connections, one could arrive at a Essays on irish nationalism and truer reality than the everyday one we see around us. Yet in the first two stanzas of Easter, one can detect some confusion on the part of poet as he relates chance meetings before the uprising with those who later died and how they had seemed so ordinary; ironically, he seems startled by the posthumous discovery of the extraordinary Essays on irish nationalism the ordinary. He exchanged with them "polite meaningless words" and mocked them behind their backs One man seemed "sweet" and "sensitive" while another was a "drunken, vainglorious lout" yet they became the same, transformed through the sacrifice of their lives The poet points out the tendency to transform martyrs into symbols by doing it rhetorically in the poem; their common purpose and subsequent death becomes, in the third stanza, a stone "To trouble the living stream" But their common sacrifice seems "troublesome" to the poet, it is a "terrible beauty," and Lloyd suggests what troubled Yeats was that "this transformation takes place not through the intermediary of poetry but in consequence of violence itself" Perhaps Yeats was reacting to a trend that Fitzpatrick notes took place in the year or so after the Uprising in which it became fashionable for youths to seek out arrest in order to attract admiration but Fitzpatrick also points out that while few nationalists believed violence was at all times an appropriate form of political expression "still fewer believed that it was never so" As Frantz Fanon would write years later, "decolonization is always a violent phenomenon" However, I agree with Lloyd's contention that Yeats is concerned with the paradox suggested by the symbol of the stone that both marks the deaths of national martyrs while causing one to recursively question its foundational function in the creation of a future state Yet in the end the legitimacy of the "transformation" of violence and death in the founding of a nation is irrelevant.
The other issue brought out by Lloyd above is that in Easter, Yeats may be working out his realization that through their self-sacrifice, the national martyrs have asserted their complete identity with the nation, consequently displacing the poet's symbolic deployment of the lore of the country. Poetic reflection is relegated to a secondary place in which the poet records the transformation after it has occurred, evidenced in the passive "All changed, changed utterly" Though Yeats acknowledges those who became national martyrs, it is clear the poet is disturbed not only by the violence they engaged in but by the level of their sacrifice which in a very real way transcended language.
And in transcending language, such a sacrifice not only displaces the poet's authority but subverts the faith that many cultural nationalists had in the power of literature and language to transform a nation. Conversely, Easter committed the remaining revolutionary leaders in blood to Pearse's vision of an Irish speaking republic, thus Gaelic revivalism became part of the official ideology of the nation Hutchinson, Or as Cleeve succinctly puts it, because of the tragic events that took place in Easter"Political nationalism and the Cultural Revival Movement became one and the same" And perhaps this uniting of forces, even at the expense of compromised ideology, gave the nationalist movement the final impetus it needed to secure an Irish Free State.
Though the initial popular response to the Uprising was one of antagonism, this mood changed to anger after the leaders were executed and a military regime was imposed. With the cultural and political nationalists now working together, albeit dominated by middle-class urban revivalists, they capitalized on the popular mood and taking into account the combined factors of the failure to implement Home Rule and the threat of British conscription inwere able to revive nationalist fervor. The Sinn Fein nationalist movement won victory in the parliamentary elections of Hutchinson, and, when hostilities began between Irish and British forces inSinn Fein mobilized widespread popular and clerical support and finally secured an independent if partitioned state in Ibid.
Many opposed the partition treaty but Kiernan maintains that the rebel fighting in the brief civil war that followed in was done by "little more than a scattering of guerrilla bands" Patrick Pearse, martyr in the Rising of Easterhad predicted "A free Ireland would not, and could not, have hunger in her fertile vales and squalor in her cities Yet free Ireland was no different than most post-colonial states. The nationalist struggles were in large part led by a middle-class that was "partly formed and to some degree produced by the colonial power"; after independence they replaced the colonial force and "one simply gets the old colonial structure replicated in new national terms" Said, Their link is not merely one of commonality, but also one of inspiration and blood.
In fact, the Basque Nationalists have a holiday inspired by their Irish counterparts: Basque Nationalism, as a movement, does not possess the complicating component of religion as does Irish Nationalism the Protestant vs. However, both share a uniquely non-Western sensibility about what the proper origin is for the concept of a nation or a state.
In particular, the Basque emphasis is to protect the uniqueness of their language, Euskera, which not only predates all Indo-European languages but appears to be unrelated nayionalism them as well. With Irish Oh, preservation and Essays on irish nationalism of the ancient Gaelic language was of secondary concern to independence, but nonetheless important. Whereas the Irish Nationalists historically Essqys towards violence as a means to EEssays their political goals, the Basque Nationalists have been mostly dominated by factions advocating peaceful o of addressing their grievances with Spain; unfortunately, it is the violent sect, not the peaceful one, that has garnered the most global attention.
Ironically, the Irish found peace; the Basque have yet to do so. The Basque Autonomous Government, formed in to administer what is presently known as the Basque Autonomous Community formerly the Basque Provinceshas been ruled since its inception by the Basque Nationalist Party PNVmembers of which are considered political moderates and who have, since the inception of the party inhave pursued a peaceful coexistence with Spaniards. The Spanish government was reluctant to engage in any negotiations, however, and the pattern of violence continued until ETA called a truce in their fight against the Spanish government in September The cease-fire was therefore welcomed by the PNV, who were led to believe that ETA had renounced violence, but in Januaryunsatisfied with the progress or lack thereof, in their view, of peaceful negotiationsETA killed a Spanish army officer in Madrid with their favorite weapon of terror, a car bomb.
The cycle of uncertainty continues. Beyond natilnalism realm of the political, there is also a deeper level of connection between the Basque and Irish Nationals: DNA research nationalosm shown the genes of the Nationalims people are almost identical to those of the Basque people, leading scientists to believe it possible that the two groups may nnationalism migrated together to Western Europe some 30, years ago. Blood is indeed thicker than arbitrary political boundaries. Unfortunately for the ETA wing of the Basque Nationalists, the belief in the primacy of their separate blood has tinged the extremism of their cause with a racist element that many rank-and-file Basques find repugnant.
The racial discrimination of radical Basque Nationalists can perhaps be compared to the religious discrimination found in the more radical Irish Nationalist Sects, the belief amongst some in the primacy of Roman Catholicism and the heresy of Protestantism. To be fair to ETA, and perhaps to damn the IRA, ETA was arguably produced in an environment in which Basques felt they had no choice but to turn to violence, as the brutal Spanish regime of Franco showed neither tolerance nor mercy for Basque nationalism.